Friday, outside the Capitol,Roesupports a bill to codify Congressman Steve I asked if it was. Chabot, who supported Biden by nine points in 2020, just said, "I have a plane now," before jumping into a waiting car. Faced with the same question in the building, several swing Republicans rushed into the room of the house instead of answering.
One of them, moderate Brian Fitzpatrick (Republican), later issued a 300-word statement, and any action was "women's privacy and autonomy, and humans." Respect the dignity of life. "
Democrats show that silence, or occasional deflection, shows that Republicans know that the right to abortion is widespread among many voters. As a sign, the GOP says it will soon face the wrath of voters in the suburbs and purple districts. Some Republicans also admit that abortion votes generally favor the left. However, they say it is difficult to identify voters when it comes to "late" abortion and "heartbeat" bans. This is the term used by the Republicans in recent years to define the debate because the Christian right has gained influence.
"If you're talking about abortion entirely, it's leaning towards the pro-choice side, but it's always stronger in terms of pro-life," said the district closer to Biden. Sit down, but said Don Bacon (Republican), who won several close house races. "When we start talking about restrictions for the first semester, polling shifts in our favor."
Some conservatives ban a complete abortion if the Republicans seize power in the House of Representatives. But next year's GOP leaders can instead decide to regain the bill from the previous majority. Widely popular with votersWeekly abortion ban
This move puts political pressure on members like Democratic potential supporter Peter Meyer (Republican). Despite the stormy climate you may call. He just said "no" to the codifiedRoequestion before jumping into the house room. Rep. Young Kim (Republican), who turned over the Orange County district in the last cycle, also said "no" before asking reporters to call her office.
Republicans' stronger stance on social issues such as abortion and guns is that enemies are in the suburbs, including when the road to a majority of Democrats passes through states such as Pennsylvania and New York in 2018. It helps to settle. And California.
Nevertheless, despite its precedent, vulnerable Republicans are not always interested in attempts to straddle the issue of often voting in their hometown. Over Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell — explained his support and mentioned how his party "lost ground in the suburbs."
And so far, Republicans argue that the court's decision has little effect on their efforts to turn the House of Representatives, which is scheduled for a change of power in November, without the political changes in the quake. is doing.
"The problem is inflation, the problem is crime, the problem is borders," said Republican Rep. Tom Emmer, who heads the Republican Campaign Division. .. "The problem remains the same."
Former party campaign chief Tom Cole (R-Okra) said the decision could help the Democrats flip at most one or two seats. .. But he argued that it would not hurt Republicans in other important areas. For example, mostly Hispanic districts are already heading in their direction.
"Old Republican suburban fortresses can hurt us, but they're moving away from us for a variety of reasons, including gun control," he says. I did.
But Democrats claim that the end ofRoeis a more beneficial change in their destiny. And they are looking head-on at the Republicans sitting in those Biden districts, the members who are in the most uncomfortable places regarding the right to abortion. Their members are devoted to democracy, many of them in the suburbs.
California Republican. David Baradao and Mike Garcia are probably the most vulnerable in the group this fall, despite a favorable environment for the Republicans. Both hold districts that Biden carried more than 12 points in 2020.
The Central Valley district of Baladao is mostly rural and socially conservative, but there is what he describes as a significant number of "very conservative Hispanics." He still did not rule out codifyingRoe, saying, "I would have to read the details."
Then he added: I will continue to do so. And he provided a frank assessment of the risks faced to support access to more abortions. "Probably the people who make decisions then are probably those who don't vote for me."
Super-conservative Republican Rep. David Schweikert, whose seats turned purple thanks to the constituency change, He said he opposed abortion because of his personal story. Unmarried. When he finally met his born mother as an adult, he said he shared her decision not to have an abortion, which was not legal at the time.
"She and her girlfriend were on their way to Tijuana for an abortion," Schweikert recalled before she finally changed her mind. Arizona said it is trying to "never be jerk" on this issue, given that it is very emotional and personal.
However, Schweikert also does not say that women seeking abortion need to be protected, calling it a state issue. The Supreme Court said it belongs.
Friday's court ruling did not include exceptions such as rape or maternal health.
When the Republicans last ruled the House of Representatives, their meeting had a small delegation upholding the right to abortion. It ended in 2018 when medium-sized lawmakers Charlie Dent (R-Pa.) And Rodney Flyling Heisen (R-N.J.) Retired.
Democrats have seen similar polarizations on their part. The Left desperately tried to drive away the last remaining members who opposed the right to abortion, and now the caucuses have a member who opposes abortion, Congressman Henry Cuellar (D-Texas).
Some Republicans have pointed out the success of this summer's primary, despite Claire's liberal challengers trying to use the fight on behalf of abortion rights.
"If it couldn't help the race," said former Republican campaign chief Cole, "I don't see it upset voters."