We must reclaim lost territories and support Ukraine's struggle to force Russia to withdraw
The war in Ukraine has revealed the truth about Russia. Those who refused to acknowledge the imperialist tendencies of Putin's regime today have to face the fact that the demons of the 19th century and his 20th century have revived in Russia. Nationalism, colonialism, and totalitarianism. But the war in Ukraine also exposed the truth about Europe. Many European leaders are shocked today that they allowed themselves to be seduced by Vladimir Putin.
The resurgence of Russian imperialism is not surprising. Russia has been slowly re-establishing its position in the eyes of the West for almost two decades. Meanwhile, the West has gone to geopolitical sleep instead of maintaining reasonable vigilance. I would rather not face growing problems than face them beforehand.
The situation Europe is in today is not because it was poorly integrated, but because it refused to hear the voice of truth. The voice has been coming from Poland for many years. Poland does not have a monopoly on truth, but when it comes to relations with Russia, it is much more experienced than other countries. As Cassandra foresaw the fall of Troy many years ago, the late Polish former president Lev Kaczynski was right. He said Russia would reach beyond Georgia and reach out to her. And he also remained unheard of.
The fact that Poland's voice is being ignored is just one example of the widespread problems the EU suffers today. Equality for individual countries is of a declaratory nature. Political practice shows that the voices of Germany and France are above all. So we are dealing with a formal democracy and a de facto oligarchy, where power is held by the strongest. Also, the strong make mistakes and are unable to accept external criticism.
A safety valve to protect the EU from majority tyranny is a principle of unanimity. Seeking compromises between 27 countries with frequently conflicting interests can be frustrating at times, and compromises don't always satisfy everyone 100%. However, we ensure that all voices are heard and that the solutions adopted meet the minimum expectations of each Member State.
If anyone suggests that EU action should depend more than ever on German decisions, which would mean abolishing the unanimous rule, A brief retrospective analysis of the German decision should do the trick. If Europe had always behaved the way Germany wanted in recent years, would today's situation be better or worse?
If all of Europe had followed Germany's voice, not only Nord Stream 1 but Nord Stream 2 would have been out for months. Europe's dependence on Russian gas, which today serves Putin as an extortion tool against the entire continent, will be almost irreversible.
If all of Europe had accepted Germany's proposal to host an EU-Russia summit in June 2021, Putin would eventually be recognized as a full partner and sanctions imposed on Russia. If the proposal, which was blocked by Poland, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia at the time, is adopted, Putin will ensure that the EU takes real action to protect Ukraine's territorial integrity. I would have gotten a guarantee that I wouldn't.
If the European Union adopts the 2015 proposed rules on the distribution of migrants in lieu of a strict policy of protecting their borders, a fundamental attribute of national sovereignty. did. At the time, Putin realized that immigration could be used as a tool in his hybrid war against the EU. How.
Finally, if all of Europe had sent arms to Ukraine on the same scale and at the same pace, that is what Germany would do—the war would have ended long ago. It would have ended in an absolute victory for Russia. And Europe will be on the eve of another war. Russia, encouraged by the weakness of the enemy, will move forward.
Today, Western voices to limit arms supplies to Ukraine, ease sanctions, and bring "both sides" (i.e., aggressor and victim) into dialogue , is a sign. Weaknesses of Putin. And yet Europe is much stronger than Russia.
If we really want to talk about the values of democracy today, now is the time to assess Europe's conscience. For too long, the most important value for many countries was the low price of Russian gas. And yet, we know that it could have been very low, without the addition of the "blood tax" that Ukraine pays today.
International organizations can successfully oppose imperialism only if they uphold the fundamental values of freedom and equality of all member states. This is a particular topic in relation to the European Union.
The EU faces increasing shortcomings in respecting the freedom and equality of all member states. We hear more and more that it is the majority, not the unanimous vote, that determines the future of the entire community. By moving away from the principle of unanimity in subsequent areas of EU activity, we can approach a model in which the stronger and larger dominate the weaker and smaller.
The lack of freedom and the lack of equality are also evident in the Eurozone. Adoption of a common currency does not guarantee sustainable and harmonious development. In fact, the euro introduces a mechanism of mutual competition. For example, some countries have permanent export surpluses, while others offset the appreciation of their currencies by maintaining economic stagnation. In such a system, equal opportunity remains only on paper.
These deficits make the European Union particularly fragile and vulnerable when faced with Russian imperialism. Russia wants to keep Europe friendly and accessible for centuries. It goes without saying what such an "international order" means for peace in Europe.
Opportunities to defend the rights, interests, or needs of small and medium-sized countries are often lost when confronted with large powers. It is a coerced violation of liberty, often carried out in the name of the whole supposed interest.
The public good was once a value at the heart of European projects. It has been the engine of European integration from the beginning. That is exactly what is usually threatened by specific interests inspired by state egoism. This system puts us in an unequal struggle between the strong and the weak. The game has room for both large powers with enormous economic power and small powers deprived of this asset. The strongest reach political and economic domination, the latter being sentenced to political and economic clientism. For all of them, common interest is an ever more abstract category. European solidarity is becoming an empty concept, forcing us to accept the real dictates of the strong.
Let me tell you something. The European Union order does not adequately protect us from external imperialism. EU institutions and actions are not free from the temptation to rule the weak, but remain open to the infiltration of Russian imperialism.
I call on all European leaders to have the courage to think in categories appropriate to the times in which we live. And we are at a tipping point. The Russian Empire may be defeated — thanks to Ukraine and our support for her. Winning this war is a matter of our consistency and determination.
Thanks to the still relatively small supply of equipment judging by Western capabilities, Ukraine began to reverse the course of the war. Russia continues to attack, spread death and destruction, and commit heinous war crimes, but Ukraine's morale remains unbroken for nearly half a year. By contrast, as intelligence data suggests, morale in the Russian army is waning. The army suffers heavy losses. Weapons and other equipment supplies are not inexhaustible, and their production by sanctioned industries will become increasingly difficult.
We must support Ukraine's struggle to reclaim its stolen territories and force Russia to withdraw. Only then will true dialogue and an actual end to this war be possible.
We must also defeat the threat of imperialism within the EU. A sweeping reform is needed that puts the common good and equality back at the top of EU principles. It doesn't happen without a change in optics. It is the Member States, not her EU institutions, that must determine the direction and priorities of the EU's actions. not the other way around. The basis of cooperation should always be the development of consensus rather than the strongest dominating the others.
In the face of the COVID-19 crisis and ongoing war, we must have the courage to admit that the EU is not acting as it should. Hmm. The problem, however, is not that the path to integration is too slow, but that the process needs to be accelerated rapidly. The problem is that this path itself is wrong. Instead of taking two steps forward, sometimes it's better to take a step back and look at a particular problem from afar. The prospects for a return to the European Union's underlying principles seem the brightest. The aim is not to weaken them, but to strengthen them rather than build them. Europe needs hope more than ever. And hope can only be found in a return to principles rather than a strengthening of the institutional superstructure.
Mateusz Morawiecki is Prime Minister of Poland
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